Invasion 1910

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In all her dealings with other nations America had found bluff a fine basis for negotiation and it annoys and irritates her to be called upon to put down her hand when it consists of nothing but a four flusher. The magnificent reception accorded the American battleship fleet on its arrival in Japan was considered a hopeful sign, until it was discovered that Japan was unfeignedly glad to be.

From the commercial point of view the failure of the Hill line of steamers, trading from Seattle to Japan, to make a living, and the slow progress, if it can be called progress, of the Pacific Mail has tallied with the quick and profitable development of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha. Some three and a half years ago it was confidently asserted throughout Canada that America would act with Canada in resisting the influx of Japanese coolie labor.

It was a natural assertion seeing that much of the trouble arising from that influx was engineered by American labor organizations on the Pacific coast. If Canada could be drawn into the game it was supposed that Great Britain would stand by Canada, and Japan would not act against the interests of her ally. For the time being the move met with success and Japan made arrangements limiting the emigration from her shores to the Pacific coasts of North America. This limitation was hailed as a triumph for Canada in spite of the fact that it might have been obvious, to any but those gifted with the most childlike faith, that such an arrangement would not have been possible but for the relationship of Canada to the British Empire, and.

In the last year this relationship has been emphasized by the agitation regarding a Canadian navy which, with a fine disregard for the advice of the British Admiralty regarding the definition of a fleet unit, Sir Wilfrid Laurier has decided shall be nothing but an expensive toy. To any student of the question, who is not blinded by purely domestic considerations, the crux of the naval question as far as Canada is concerned lies in its value to the Pacific coast.

In other words a Canadian navy that could not combine with Australia and New Zealand and which was cut off by the Pacific ocean from the British base at Singapore must remain, unless of great strength, a mere spectator of events that would most vitally concern not only Canada but the Empire. The insistence of the Conservative party in advocating a cash contribution to the British navy was valueless owing to the fact that its leaders were either afraid or ignorant of the true situation.

The only reason for Canada contributing a Dreadnought, or even two, was owing to the defencelessness of the Pacific coast and the necessity of uniting with Australia and New Zealand in preparing, for the future which as surely as the sun rises must one day be faced courageously. There Is absolutely nothing unfriendly to Japan in making such preparation.

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Japan is making, as best she can, provision for events that nature is forcing upon her, and that other nations should make similar provision entitles them to her respect rather than to her unfriendliness. Both Canada and America speak of the future of China as something which will lead to a vast expansion of international trade.

The white race looks on itself as something half di-. Laying aside, however, for the moment all question of race it may be possible to examine the subject from the economic viewpoint and thus, to some extent, elucidate what is after all the most serious problem of the next decade. To begin with it will be as well to examine the situation geographically.

If Japan be ;-ake:i as the centre of a circle with a line to the Hawaii Islands as a radius the circumference of the circle thus drawn will enclose the Bering Sea, all the Aleutian Isles, and the tip of the Alaskan peninsula in the north, Samoa, Fiji and the Philippines and the greater part of Australia in the south and south-west. This would be for practical purposes a radius of about 3, miles. If Vancouver be taken as the centre of a similar circle the 3, mile radius would make a circumference that would enclose the Bering Sea, Alaska and Hawaii.

The circumferences thus drawn will show at once the position of Japan and its relation to the Pacific ocean. Tactically speaking, with the exception of Hawaii, the Pacific coast of America is still further than the Pacific coast of Canada from the points mentioned as being enclosed by the circumference, based on Japan as a centre. The Pacific coast of the white races, that is the. The above figures are taken from the last American census in with the exception of the British Colonies which are as nearly up-to-date as possible.

In round figures Australia and New Zealand may be reckoned as containing 5,, people. The economical point of view is still more extraordinary when it is realized that the white races refuse the Japanese emigrant admission to. The Philippine Islands contain , square miles, and have a native population of about 7,,, of whom a large part are Chinese.

Hawaii contains 6, square miles, with a population of ,, of whom no less than 61, are Japanese and. To sum up, the white races possess, exclusive of Hawaii and the Philippines, which may be reckoned as held by the sword, 4,, square miles, bordering on the Pacific ocean, inhabited by about 7,, people. Japan contains , square miles and is inhabited by about 50,, people, over half of whom are males.

From the Japanese point of view, therefore, the white race dominate about 27 times as much territory, with a population one-seventh as great as their own, and the greatest part of that territory comes well within the radii of their tactical positions in the Pacific. Truly, the position is extraordinary when looked at from the eastern point of view. Even if the area of Australia be reduced by one-half, owing to the interior being incapable of supporting human life which, by the way, is doubtful, if racial characteristics be taken into account , economically the problem is unaffected thereby.

For with Japan it would be perfectly reasonable to reckon China and even India as being excluded from these lands ivhich are held by the white race and closed to the colored. Briefly, then, we are face to face with a problem which has for its basis the well-defined policy of excluding from very much under-populated areas the natural trend of emigration from over-populated and over-cultivated lands.

There is no doubt whatever that the Hindus, Chinamen and Japanese could produce enormous wealth, both agricultural and mineral, from these areas, which would add tremendously to their industrial growth and make them very serious competitors to the domination of European and American manufactures. As long as the colored races were content to remain in a state of what we called barbarism, the problem was not serious, but to-day Japan is admitted to the comity of nations as a first-class power, and there is no denying that her civilization is fully equal, if not superior in many ways, to that of the white man.

Japan is no longer content; the Japanese merchant and statesman has proved himself able and willing to compete with the white man and to defeat him in peace as well as war, and the Japanese nation to a man has learnt the value of western methods of business and industrialism and have applied to their own. The Japanese system of education is every whit as good as the German, which is putting it on the highest plane possible, and the spirit of the nation is a model for all the rest of the world to marvel at.

There is no denying these facts, the question is how is the white race going to face the future? Supposing for one moment the races changed places, would the white race allow the colored to exclude it from the immense natural resources of which the colored made no use?

Korean War

There can be but one answer to that question, and it is, NO. English statesmen have for years foreseen this natural development and in every way possible have endeavored to anticipate the inevitable. They have tried to turn Indian emigration into East Africa, and are to-day encouraging the Hindu settler more than the white. But we in Canada shut our eyes to anything unpleasant.

We refuse to study any problem that does not have for its solution the adding of so many dollars and cents to our personal coffers. The man who is engaged in the lumber business has no time to take thought of the agricultural, except as it touches his own particular market; the man that manufactures boots in the east does care a shoe lace whether a white man or colored buys those shoes in British Columbia ; all he csres abord is the number of shoes he can sell.

The laboring man of the west does not care about anything at all except to get as much money as possible for the work he does. He anxiously watches the Provincial Governments to see that nothing is done to increase competition, and thus decrease the power of his unions. It is all very natural and quite understandable. The dollar-mark is our standard of civilization! Yet here is a problem which is most formidable, and one that must be faced within the next few years. In the Anglo-Japanese treaty expires and it is extremely doubtful if Japan will renew it.

It is extremely doubtful if any nation situated as Japan is would renew it under the circumstances, for it is the one thing that stands between her and these sparsely-populated lands, which she, with cheap labor, could make immensely profitable. The plain fact is, that the wealth of these lands developed by Oriental labor would flow into the coffers of Japan, instead of into the pockets of individuals who are exploiting them very largely for their own personal profit.

I refer particularly to Alaska, which hangs like a ripe apple just nicely within reach of Japan.

The Invasion of 1910, with a full account of the siege of London by Le Queux

It is a very good example of the whole. Alaska is immensely wealthy in natural resources, which are being developed by American capitalists.

See a Problem?

Copper, coal, iron, gold, exist in practically unlimited quantities, and even agriculture can be carried on at a profit. That is the problem, and sooner or later it must be solved. If the Anti-Asiatic Leagues of America and Canada were honest they would follow' up their argument by demanding that absolutely efficient means of protection were devised to enforce their dictum on the Orient.

But do they do anything of the kind? Not they! Furthermore, in admirable imitation of the ostrich, they add to the above by declaring their love of peace and state they are unalterably opposed to all militarism.

Korean History-Japanese Occupation(1910-1945)

In other words, they fling defiance in the face of the Orient with one hand and with the other publish their weakness to all the world. There is not a single politician in British Columbia to-day who dare face an audience of working men and tell them the truth to their faces, any more than there is a single official of the trades unions who will dare argue the matter on the platform. All parties in Canada are only too willing to let sleeping dogs lie.

They declare that there is no danger, as if all the declarations in the world could set aside the logical outcome of a policy. Did any single politician rise in his place at Ottawa and mention the Orient during the naval debate? Did any one even hint that it was the Pacific and not the Atlantic that needed defence? Instead, they spoke of patriotism, of loyalty, and a thousand and one things that sounded beautiful, but were merely words, words, words.

The only possible excuse for this want of spirit was want of knowledge, and yet these are the men that intelligent Canadian electors look to for guidance.

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God help Canada when her sons do not dare to speak their minds for fear they may embarrass their party. The most astounding thing about the whole matter was the apathy of British Columbia herself. Here again was a conspiracy of silence. Perhaps the Provincial Government was anxious not to embarrass the Dominion Government for fear the latter would not grant certain Indian lands to the province, which came within the scope of their negotiations with the Canadian Northern Railway; or the Provincial Government were hopeful of getting something else from Ottawa; or a wholesale grocer, a fishmonger or candlestick maker represented the political spirit of the Liberal party, and to their dictum we bow in silence.

That is the sort of stuff of which statesmen are made. This or that man wanted a contract, a judgeship, or some other Dominion Government appointment. Real estate was booming, everybody was making money, what was to be gained by kicking. Public spirit! The dollar marks the level of public spirit. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, in his speeches on the Oriental question, with which he dealt fully, both in Vancouver and Victoria, during his tour of the west, spoke plausibly, but not logically. He emphasized the fact that owing to Canada being part of the British Empire, it was impossible to absolutely exclude Japanese immigration, and thereby gave the impression that his hands were tied indealing with the matter.

He also stated, on his responsibility as leader of the Dominion Government, that Japan had held faithfully to her agreement not to allow more than emigrants a year to enter Canada. It is said in Vancouver that considerably over this number have come in, but for the sake of argument the figures will do as well as any other.

The point is that however limited the immigration, the labor organizations are not satisfied, and, further, that the arrangement is purely temporary and dependent on 4he goodwill of Japan.

The Invasion of With A Full Account of the Siege of London by William Le Queux

There was absolutely nothing new in what Sir Wilfrid Laurier said. He uttered a few of the usual platitudes, but did not attempt to drive home the only logical conclusion that if one country wishes to make legislation inimical to another, it must have something more than mere words with which to back up that legislation. He spoke of the opportunities for trade, leaving Vancouver for Oriental ports. All of which may be perfectly true, but entails friendly relations wTith the Orient, and does not allow for special discrimination. Furthermore, if there are such vast opportunities for trade, it is obvious that these opportunities would be enhanced to an immense extent were labor on the Pacific coast cheap enough to allow of production at a cost that would enable the Orient to buy at a reasonable price.

The obvious truth that to enhance the cost of production is to limit the possibility of markets never appears to have been taken into account.

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  • Economically, then, the fundamental problem of immensely wealthy and practically undeveloped lands with a very limited population, excluding the remarkably efficient population of comparatively poor and largely overpopulated areas from any participation in the benefits of these undeveloped areas remains the same. He might have applied the same argument to the Pacific coast of this continent.

    It must be remembered that both Australia and New Zealand are morally in a better position than Canada, as they have contributed to the British navy, and the labor governments in both countries have pass-. If Canada had1 done the same it might have been said that the nation realized its responsibilities and was determined to be honest and make provision for the future. There is such a thing as Pacific penetration, and the pressure that might be exercised by a few million Orientals in their anxiety to find room and the raw materials necessary to their further development might be none the less sure because it was not backed by force of arms.

    I confess that is an argument that does not appeal to me any more than that Canadians must emigrate to Great Britain.

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